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Late Postclassic (Chunchukum ceramic complex
A.D. 1200-1550)
During the Late Postclassic, the presence of Navula Unslipped ceramics
and the virtual absence of Yacman Striated ceramics continues to mark the
isolation between the coast and Coba (Robles 1990:263). Muyil has twice as many
sherds from the Payil group as from the Mama group (red slipped Late Postclassic
ceramics), another measure of this isolation, since the proportions are reversed
at Coba. At Muyil, new activity is shown by additional construction of temples
in the East Coast Style and by the construction of Sacbes 5 and 6 with
Structures 11H‑1 and 12H‑1. New field walls criss-cross the
landscape (see the map of the west transect and the map of Muyil Zone B.) Not
only is the populace at the center of Muyil more densely crowded, but also new
habitations are built at a greater distance from the site center. Neighborhood
temples are constructed.
After a 500-year hiatus, ceramic connections with Belize reappear. In the
Late Postclassic, Chen Mul Modeled censers are found in not only at Muyil but
also at several Belize sites — Barton Ramie, Cuello, and Uchentzub (Appendix
3). The trans-peninsula canoe trade which took on added importance after the
Late Classic, knitted together widely scattered sites with the spread of an
effigy censer cult.
At Muyil, neighborhood shrines as well as Temple 8 and the
temple-pyramids along the sacbes were used by the effigy censer cult. As
described in Chapter 7, the changing political scene and the emergence of new
levels of coastal trade may have involved a new equality of the terms
"pilgrim" and "trader." Such a combination would account for
the high levels of Chen Mul censers found along the Muyil sacbe system. I
believe population at Muyil grew to be between 25-75% larger than in earlier
times. This increase is documented in three ways: (a) by the presence of
significantly higher numbers of sherds of unslipped utilitarian ceramics —
more Postclassic Navula group sherds than Classic Vista Alegre sherds; (b) by
the broader distribution of such sherds at Muyil; and (c) by the presence of new
architecture and field wall systems associated with Navula group ceramics but
not with Vista Alegre ceramics. On the basis of architectural development and
similarity, as well as in ceramic affinities, Muyil played a significant role in
the northeast Quintana Roo coast economic development activity of the Late
Postclassic.
During the Late Postclassic, Muyil closely resembles its neighbors along
the north coast: Xelha, Xcaret, Playa del Carmen, and El Meco, for example. The
extensive areas (more than 100 ha were mapped by Terrones, personal
communication, 1990) of field walls at Calica (Xcaret) bear considerable
similarity to those at Muyil in amount of land delimited, scattered structures
in association, and general alignment. The East Coast Style architecture is
present at all sites. Muyil citizens, still actively engaged in coastal canoe
trade, extended the sacbe across muddy grasslands to the new, more easterly
lagoon margin. Trader-pilgrims highlighted its importance in trade with rites
that employed effigy censers. Coba, depopulated greatly at the end of the
Classic, remained as a pilgrimage site, as did Chichen Itza, but was no longer a
vital metropolis. As the peninsula fell into tribal regions, no single large
site dominated the east coast. Tulum grew powerful in the latter part of the
Late Postclassic, but, apparently due to perceived threats, was fortified with
an immense enclosing wall. With the collapse of Peten sites half a millennium
earlier, and the northern Maya lowlands politically fragmented into provinces,
the stage was set for the arrival of the Spanish. |
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© Copyright 2000-2005 Walter R. T. Witschey Page last updated Wednesday, April 02, 2008 |